batik history of the archipelago's history of batik in Indonesia is closely related to the development and spread of royal majapahit religious teachings of Islam in the land of Java, batik art in Indonesia has been known since the time majapahit jobs and growing the kingdom and the other kings, this batik art started to become belongs to the people of Indonesia and Java in particular is after the end of the century or early-xviii-xix century, batik is produced is a batik everything until the early xx th century and new printed batik is known around 1920, after the war the world over, as for the link with the spread of Islamic religion, many central areas of batik in Java are regions batik children and to later become a tool of economic struggle by figures Muslim traders against the Dutch national economy. batik art is drawing on the fabric for clothing that was one of the kings keluaga culture ancient Indonesia, batik is done initially confined in the palace alone and the results for the clothes the king and family and his followers, since many of the followers of the king who lived outside the palace , then the art of batik was brought by them out of the palace and batik art was developed by the people terde
d.shvoong.com › Perkumpulan & Berita › Barang Baru
Senin, 24 Januari 2011
Sejarah Candi Borobudur Second Edition
| Sejarah Candi Borobudur |  |  |  |
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reports of Borobudur temple emphasis discovery recorded in 1814 when Sir Thomas Stanford Raffles, governor general of the British who became the guardian of a visit to Semarang Indonesia, Raffles was informed that in the area were discovered kedu been found pictorial stone structure, Raffles Cornelius sent a dutch to conducting research. work was followed by the resident kedu named Hartman in 1835. documentation of buildings and relief in the form of drawings done by Wilsen for 4 years since 1849. while documenting the form of photographs documents carried by van kinsbergen tahun1873. Borobudur temple which historically have relie 1460, was built by king smaratungga one of the ancient king of Mataram dynasty royal dynasty viii century, the inscription sri kahulunan (842 m) Borobudur temple was built to glorify Mahayana Buddhism. there are several opinions regarding the naming of Borobudur temple, quoting from the inscription sri Casparis kahulunan 842 m the kamulan i bhumisambharabudara which means holy building that symbolizes the good collection of bodhisattva, while Poerbatjaraka in his book states Borobudur is a monastery in Budur (Budur tempatdesa name). soekmon |
Sejarah Candi Borobudur First Edition
history records Borobudur is the largest temple ever built for the veneration of the Buddha, just imagine the building reaches a height of 14.000m square with up to 35.29 m, an inscription from the cri kahuluan ix century (824 AD) who researched by prof dr j, g , Casparis, uncover genealogical dynasty dynasty three successive ruling at that time, the king of the senses, his son samaratungga, to the later, her daughter called samaratungga pramodawardhani. at the beginning of this samaratungga king built a temple named: bhumisan-bharabudhara, presumably meaning the barrow, hill or building levels which is identified with the designation kamulan bhumisambharabudhara monasteries, which have a meaning an ancestral temple and the dynasty dynasty in the hills. location of this temple is located in the hills above the village of Borobudur, Mungkid, magelang or 42 km north of the city of Yogyakarta, surrounded by hills stretching from the direction manoreh ti nut to the west, while on the mountain there is nut ti trim and merbau, and the west there gunumg Sindoro and mountain cleft. required no less than 2 million stone blocks andesite, equivalent to square 50.000m for help
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Sejarah Goa JATIJAJAR
jatijajar cave history cave jatijajar is natural cave situated in the village jatijajar, sub-dad, ii dati Kebumen district, these caves are formed from limestone and have dikete found by a farmer who owns the land above the cave is named jayamenawi. at one point jayamenawi're taking the grass, to then fall kesebuah hole, the hole turns out it was a ventilation hole in the ceiling of the cave, this hole has a diameter of 4 meters and height of land that are below 24 meters. at first cave doors are still closed by land, after land cover dismantled and removed, the peace of thy door to enter the cave that now, because at the entrance of the cave there are 2 large teak trees growing parallel, then the cave was named cave jatijajar (version to i). jatijajar cave contained within 7 (seven), river or spring, but the data is achieved easily only 4 (four) rivers namely: 1.sungai navel of the earth 2.sungai Jombor 3.sungai 4.sungai kantil roses each have a myth sungaisendang that is, to the river Jombor navel of the earth and the water is said to have efficacy can be used for all sorts of purposes according to their beliefs, while the river rose kon
winarsih2.tripod.com/sejarah.html
winarsih2.tripod.com/sejarah.html
Minggu, 23 Januari 2011
Sejarah Pramuka part 2
The birth of the Scout Movement scout history Scout Movement was born in 1961, so if you would listen to the background of the birth of the Scout Movement, one needs to assess the situation, events and events around the year 1960. From the expressions that have been presented in front we see that the number of clubs scouting in Indonesia at that time very much. The amount is not sepandan with the total number of members of the assembly that. Regulations arising during this pioneering MPRS Decree No. II/MPRS/1960, 3 December 1960 on national development plans Planning Universe. In this ordinance can be found in Article 330. C. which states that basic education in the field scouting is the Pancasila. Beyond the control of scouting (Article 741) and education scouting so intensified and approve the Government plans to establish a Boy Scout (Article 349 Paragraph 30). Then scouting so that freed from the remnants of Lord Baden Powellisme (Appendix C Section 8). The decision gives the government the obligation to implement them. That's why Pesiden / Mandatory Assembly on March 9, 1961 to collect the figures and leaders of scouting movement Indonesia, held at the State Palace. On Thursday night was the President revealed that the existing scouting must be renewed, methods and educational activities should be replaced, the entire scouting organizations that have merged into one called the Boy Scouts. The President also appointed committee consisting of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, the Minister of P and K Prof. Prijono, Minister of Agriculture Dr.A. Aziz Saleh and the Minister of Transmigration, Cooperatives and Rural Community Development, Achmadi. The committee would need something endorsement. And then was published Presidential Decree No.112 of 1961 dated April 5, 1961, regarding the Committee Executive Assistant Scout formation with the membership as it is called by the President on March 9, 1961. There is a difference between the term or task committee the President's speech by a Presidential Decree that. Still in April of that as well, come out, Presidential Decree No. 121 of 1961 dated April 11, 1961 on the Establishment Committee of the Scout Movement. Members of this committee consisting of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, Prof. Prijono, Dr. A. Aziz Saleh, Achmadi and Muljadi Djojo Martono (Minister of Social Affairs). The committee is then process the Scout Association, as an Annex to Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated 20 May 1961 concerning the Scout Movement.
The birth of the Scout Movement Scout Movement was marked by a series of interrelated events, namely: 1. Speech of President / Mandatory Assembly before the leaders and the leaders who represent the scouting organization listed in Indonesia on March 9, 1961 at the State Palace. This event came to be called as DAY SHOOTS BOY SCOUT MOVEMENT 2. Issuance of Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated May 20, 1961, concerning the Scout Movement which set the Scout Movement as the only organization assigned scouting scouting education for children and youth in Indonesia, and ratify the Articles of Association scouts who offered guidance, instructions and guidance for the managers of the Scout Movement in carrying out their duties. On 20 May is: National Awakening Day, but for the Scout Movement has a special meaning and is a milestone for environmental education in the third. This event came to be called as DAY THE BEGINNING OF WORK. 3. Statement representatives scouting organization in Indonesia that with sincerity merge into the Scout organization, conducted at the Senayan Sports Palace on July 30, 1961. The incident was later referred to as a pledge DAY SCOUT MOVEMENT. 4. Inaugural Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari at the State Palace, followed by a procession Scouts to be introduced to the public, which is preceded by Panji-Panji conferment of the Scout Movement, and all of which occurred on August 14, 1961. This event came to be called as DAY BOY SCOUT. Introduced Scout Movement Speech the President on March 9, 1961 also outline for the Proclamation of Independence memorial scouts have been there and known by the public. Therefore RI Presidential Decree No.238 of 1961 there should be supporting the board and its members. According to the Articles of Association of the Scout Movement, the leader of this association is held by the National Leadership Council (MAPINAS) in which there are national scouts and National Kwartir Daily. Central Executive Board is symbolically sacred figures compiled by taking a 17-8-'45, which is composed of Mapinas up to 45 people of whom sat in Kwarnas 17 people and in Kwarnasri 8 people. However, in its realization as such in the Republic of Indonesia Presidential Decree No.447 of 1961, dated August 14, 1961 Mapinas number of members to 70 people with the details of the 70 members of the 17 people of whom as members Kwarnas and 8 people among members of this Kwarnas Kwarnari membership. Mapinas chaired by Dr. Ir. Sukarno, President with Vice Chairman of I, lane II, IX and Vice Chairman Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh. Meanwhile in Kwarnas, lane IX serves as Chairman and Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh as Vice Chairman and Chief Kwarnari. Scout Movement was officially introduced to all the people of Indonesia on August 14, 1961 not only in the capital Jakarta, but also at important places in Indonesia. In Jakarta, some 10,000 members of the Scout Movement entered the Big Apple is followed by the march of development and procession in front of President and around Jakarta. Before the parade / procession, the President inaugurated a member Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari, in state court, and convey grace and honor in recognition of National Scout Movement Panji Indonesia (Decree No.448 of 1961) which diterimakan to the Chairman of the National Kwartir, Sri Sultan Hamengku IX Lane shortly before the parade / procession begins. Events introduction date of August 14, 1961 is then performed as DAY BOY SCOUT which commemorated annually by all levels and members of the Scout Movement
The birth of the Scout Movement scout history Scout Movement was born in 1961, so if you would listen to the background of the birth of the Scout Movement, one needs to assess the situation, events and events around the year 1960. From the expressions that have been presented in front we see that the number of clubs scouting in Indonesia at that time very much. The amount is not sepandan with the total number of members of the assembly that. Regulations arising during this pioneering MPRS Decree No. II/MPRS/1960, 3 December 1960 on national development plans Planning Universe. In this ordinance can be found in Article 330. C. which states that basic education in the field scouting is the Pancasila. Beyond the control of scouting (Article 741) and education scouting so intensified and approve the Government plans to establish a Boy Scout (Article 349 Paragraph 30). Then scouting so that freed from the remnants of Lord Baden Powellisme (Appendix C Section 8). The decision gives the government the obligation to implement them. That's why Pesiden / Mandatory Assembly on March 9, 1961 to collect the figures and leaders of scouting movement Indonesia, held at the State Palace. On Thursday night was the President revealed that the existing scouting must be renewed, methods and educational activities should be replaced, the entire scouting organizations that have merged into one called the Boy Scouts. The President also appointed committee consisting of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, the Minister of P and K Prof. Prijono, Minister of Agriculture Dr.A. Aziz Saleh and the Minister of Transmigration, Cooperatives and Rural Community Development, Achmadi. The committee would need something endorsement. And then was published Presidential Decree No.112 of 1961 dated April 5, 1961, regarding the Committee Executive Assistant Scout formation with the membership as it is called by the President on March 9, 1961. There is a difference between the term or task committee the President's speech by a Presidential Decree that. Still in April of that as well, come out, Presidential Decree No. 121 of 1961 dated April 11, 1961 on the Establishment Committee of the Scout Movement. Members of this committee consisting of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, Prof. Prijono, Dr. A. Aziz Saleh, Achmadi and Muljadi Djojo Martono (Minister of Social Affairs). The committee is then process the Scout Association, as an Annex to Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated 20 May 1961 concerning the Scout Movement.
The birth of the Scout Movement Scout Movement was marked by a series of interrelated events, namely: 1. Speech of President / Mandatory Assembly before the leaders and the leaders who represent the scouting organization listed in Indonesia on March 9, 1961 at the State Palace. This event came to be called as DAY SHOOTS BOY SCOUT MOVEMENT 2. Issuance of Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated May 20, 1961, concerning the Scout Movement which set the Scout Movement as the only organization assigned scouting scouting education for children and youth in Indonesia, and ratify the Articles of Association scouts who offered guidance, instructions and guidance for the managers of the Scout Movement in carrying out their duties. On 20 May is: National Awakening Day, but for the Scout Movement has a special meaning and is a milestone for environmental education in the third. This event came to be called as DAY THE BEGINNING OF WORK. 3. Statement representatives scouting organization in Indonesia that with sincerity merge into the Scout organization, conducted at the Senayan Sports Palace on July 30, 1961. The incident was later referred to as a pledge DAY SCOUT MOVEMENT. 4. Inaugural Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari at the State Palace, followed by a procession Scouts to be introduced to the public, which is preceded by Panji-Panji conferment of the Scout Movement, and all of which occurred on August 14, 1961. This event came to be called as DAY BOY SCOUT. Introduced Scout Movement Speech the President on March 9, 1961 also outline for the Proclamation of Independence memorial scouts have been there and known by the public. Therefore RI Presidential Decree No.238 of 1961 there should be supporting the board and its members. According to the Articles of Association of the Scout Movement, the leader of this association is held by the National Leadership Council (MAPINAS) in which there are national scouts and National Kwartir Daily. Central Executive Board is symbolically sacred figures compiled by taking a 17-8-'45, which is composed of Mapinas up to 45 people of whom sat in Kwarnas 17 people and in Kwarnasri 8 people. However, in its realization as such in the Republic of Indonesia Presidential Decree No.447 of 1961, dated August 14, 1961 Mapinas number of members to 70 people with the details of the 70 members of the 17 people of whom as members Kwarnas and 8 people among members of this Kwarnas Kwarnari membership. Mapinas chaired by Dr. Ir. Sukarno, President with Vice Chairman of I, lane II, IX and Vice Chairman Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh. Meanwhile in Kwarnas, lane IX serves as Chairman and Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh as Vice Chairman and Chief Kwarnari. Scout Movement was officially introduced to all the people of Indonesia on August 14, 1961 not only in the capital Jakarta, but also at important places in Indonesia. In Jakarta, some 10,000 members of the Scout Movement entered the Big Apple is followed by the march of development and procession in front of President and around Jakarta. Before the parade / procession, the President inaugurated a member Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari, in state court, and convey grace and honor in recognition of National Scout Movement Panji Indonesia (Decree No.448 of 1961) which diterimakan to the Chairman of the National Kwartir, Sri Sultan Hamengku IX Lane shortly before the parade / procession begins. Events introduction date of August 14, 1961 is then performed as DAY BOY SCOUT which commemorated annually by all levels and members of the Scout Movement
id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Gerakan_Pramuka_Indonesia
The birth of the Scout Movement Scout Movement was marked by a series of interrelated events, namely: 1. Speech of President / Mandatory Assembly before the leaders and the leaders who represent the scouting organization listed in Indonesia on March 9, 1961 at the State Palace. This event came to be called as DAY SHOOTS BOY SCOUT MOVEMENT 2. Issuance of Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated May 20, 1961, concerning the Scout Movement which set the Scout Movement as the only organization assigned scouting scouting education for children and youth in Indonesia, and ratify the Articles of Association scouts who offered guidance, instructions and guidance for the managers of the Scout Movement in carrying out their duties. On 20 May is: National Awakening Day, but for the Scout Movement has a special meaning and is a milestone for environmental education in the third. This event came to be called as DAY THE BEGINNING OF WORK. 3. Statement representatives scouting organization in Indonesia that with sincerity merge into the Scout organization, conducted at the Senayan Sports Palace on July 30, 1961. The incident was later referred to as a pledge DAY SCOUT MOVEMENT. 4. Inaugural Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari at the State Palace, followed by a procession Scouts to be introduced to the public, which is preceded by Panji-Panji conferment of the Scout Movement, and all of which occurred on August 14, 1961. This event came to be called as DAY BOY SCOUT. Introduced Scout Movement Speech the President on March 9, 1961 also outline for the Proclamation of Independence memorial scouts have been there and known by the public. Therefore RI Presidential Decree No.238 of 1961 there should be supporting the board and its members. According to the Articles of Association of the Scout Movement, the leader of this association is held by the National Leadership Council (MAPINAS) in which there are national scouts and National Kwartir Daily. Central Executive Board is symbolically sacred figures compiled by taking a 17-8-'45, which is composed of Mapinas up to 45 people of whom sat in Kwarnas 17 people and in Kwarnasri 8 people. However, in its realization as such in the Republic of Indonesia Presidential Decree No.447 of 1961, dated August 14, 1961 Mapinas number of members to 70 people with the details of the 70 members of the 17 people of whom as members Kwarnas and 8 people among members of this Kwarnas Kwarnari membership. Mapinas chaired by Dr. Ir. Sukarno, President with Vice Chairman of I, lane II, IX and Vice Chairman Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh. Meanwhile in Kwarnas, lane IX serves as Chairman and Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh as Vice Chairman and Chief Kwarnari. Scout Movement was officially introduced to all the people of Indonesia on August 14, 1961 not only in the capital Jakarta, but also at important places in Indonesia. In Jakarta, some 10,000 members of the Scout Movement entered the Big Apple is followed by the march of development and procession in front of President and around Jakarta. Before the parade / procession, the President inaugurated a member Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari, in state court, and convey grace and honor in recognition of National Scout Movement Panji Indonesia (Decree No.448 of 1961) which diterimakan to the Chairman of the National Kwartir, Sri Sultan Hamengku IX Lane shortly before the parade / procession begins. Events introduction date of August 14, 1961 is then performed as DAY BOY SCOUT which commemorated annually by all levels and members of the Scout Movement
The birth of the Scout Movement scout history Scout Movement was born in 1961, so if you would listen to the background of the birth of the Scout Movement, one needs to assess the situation, events and events around the year 1960. From the expressions that have been presented in front we see that the number of clubs scouting in Indonesia at that time very much. The amount is not sepandan with the total number of members of the assembly that. Regulations arising during this pioneering MPRS Decree No. II/MPRS/1960, 3 December 1960 on national development plans Planning Universe. In this ordinance can be found in Article 330. C. which states that basic education in the field scouting is the Pancasila. Beyond the control of scouting (Article 741) and education scouting so intensified and approve the Government plans to establish a Boy Scout (Article 349 Paragraph 30). Then scouting so that freed from the remnants of Lord Baden Powellisme (Appendix C Section 8). The decision gives the government the obligation to implement them. That's why Pesiden / Mandatory Assembly on March 9, 1961 to collect the figures and leaders of scouting movement Indonesia, held at the State Palace. On Thursday night was the President revealed that the existing scouting must be renewed, methods and educational activities should be replaced, the entire scouting organizations that have merged into one called the Boy Scouts. The President also appointed committee consisting of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, the Minister of P and K Prof. Prijono, Minister of Agriculture Dr.A. Aziz Saleh and the Minister of Transmigration, Cooperatives and Rural Community Development, Achmadi. The committee would need something endorsement. And then was published Presidential Decree No.112 of 1961 dated April 5, 1961, regarding the Committee Executive Assistant Scout formation with the membership as it is called by the President on March 9, 1961. There is a difference between the term or task committee the President's speech by a Presidential Decree that. Still in April of that as well, come out, Presidential Decree No. 121 of 1961 dated April 11, 1961 on the Establishment Committee of the Scout Movement. Members of this committee consisting of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, Prof. Prijono, Dr. A. Aziz Saleh, Achmadi and Muljadi Djojo Martono (Minister of Social Affairs). The committee is then process the Scout Association, as an Annex to Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated 20 May 1961 concerning the Scout Movement.
The birth of the Scout Movement Scout Movement was marked by a series of interrelated events, namely: 1. Speech of President / Mandatory Assembly before the leaders and the leaders who represent the scouting organization listed in Indonesia on March 9, 1961 at the State Palace. This event came to be called as DAY SHOOTS BOY SCOUT MOVEMENT 2. Issuance of Presidential Decree No. 238 of 1961, dated May 20, 1961, concerning the Scout Movement which set the Scout Movement as the only organization assigned scouting scouting education for children and youth in Indonesia, and ratify the Articles of Association scouts who offered guidance, instructions and guidance for the managers of the Scout Movement in carrying out their duties. On 20 May is: National Awakening Day, but for the Scout Movement has a special meaning and is a milestone for environmental education in the third. This event came to be called as DAY THE BEGINNING OF WORK. 3. Statement representatives scouting organization in Indonesia that with sincerity merge into the Scout organization, conducted at the Senayan Sports Palace on July 30, 1961. The incident was later referred to as a pledge DAY SCOUT MOVEMENT. 4. Inaugural Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari at the State Palace, followed by a procession Scouts to be introduced to the public, which is preceded by Panji-Panji conferment of the Scout Movement, and all of which occurred on August 14, 1961. This event came to be called as DAY BOY SCOUT. Introduced Scout Movement Speech the President on March 9, 1961 also outline for the Proclamation of Independence memorial scouts have been there and known by the public. Therefore RI Presidential Decree No.238 of 1961 there should be supporting the board and its members. According to the Articles of Association of the Scout Movement, the leader of this association is held by the National Leadership Council (MAPINAS) in which there are national scouts and National Kwartir Daily. Central Executive Board is symbolically sacred figures compiled by taking a 17-8-'45, which is composed of Mapinas up to 45 people of whom sat in Kwarnas 17 people and in Kwarnasri 8 people. However, in its realization as such in the Republic of Indonesia Presidential Decree No.447 of 1961, dated August 14, 1961 Mapinas number of members to 70 people with the details of the 70 members of the 17 people of whom as members Kwarnas and 8 people among members of this Kwarnas Kwarnari membership. Mapinas chaired by Dr. Ir. Sukarno, President with Vice Chairman of I, lane II, IX and Vice Chairman Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh. Meanwhile in Kwarnas, lane IX serves as Chairman and Brigadier General Dr.A. Aziz Saleh as Vice Chairman and Chief Kwarnari. Scout Movement was officially introduced to all the people of Indonesia on August 14, 1961 not only in the capital Jakarta, but also at important places in Indonesia. In Jakarta, some 10,000 members of the Scout Movement entered the Big Apple is followed by the march of development and procession in front of President and around Jakarta. Before the parade / procession, the President inaugurated a member Mapinas, Kwarnas and Kwarnari, in state court, and convey grace and honor in recognition of National Scout Movement Panji Indonesia (Decree No.448 of 1961) which diterimakan to the Chairman of the National Kwartir, Sri Sultan Hamengku IX Lane shortly before the parade / procession begins. Events introduction date of August 14, 1961 is then performed as DAY BOY SCOUT which commemorated annually by all levels and members of the Scout Movement
id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Gerakan_Pramuka_Indonesia
Sejarah Pramuka part 1
The fact history shows that Indonesian youth have a "stake" in the great struggle for Indonesian independence movement as well as existing and the development of Indonesia's national scouting education. In the educational development of scouting it seems the drive and passion to unite, but there are symptoms of organizational Bhinneka. Scouting organizations in Indonesia was started by the branch "Padvinders Nederlandsche Organisatie" (NPO) in 1912, which at the time of the outbreak of World War I has its own large Kwartir and later changed its name to "Nederlands-Indische Vereeniging Padvinders" (NIPV) in 1916. Scout organization initiated by the Indonesian nation is Javaansche Padvinders Organisatie; stand on the initiative of SP Mangkunegara VII in 1916. The fact that scouting is interchange with the national movement, as mentioned above can be considered on a "Padvinder Muhammadiyah" which in 1920 changed its name to "Hizbul Wathan" (HW); "Nationale Padvinderij" established by Budi Utomo; Sarekat Islam founded the "Sarekat Afdeling Padvinderij Islam "which later changed to" Islamic Sarekat Afdeling Pandu "and better known as SIAP, Nationale Islamietische Padvinderij (NATIPIJ) was established by Bond Islamieten Jong (JIB) and Indonesisch Padvinders Nationale Organisatie (INPO) was established by the Youth of Indonesia. Scouting organizations united desire for Indonesia at that time appeared to start with the formation of PAPI that is "Brotherhood Between Pandu Indonesia" is a federation of Pandu Nationality, INPO, READY, NATIPIJ and PPS on May 23, 1928. This federation can not last long, because the intention of fusion, resulting in 1930 stood Scout Nation Indonesia (KBI), which was pioneered by the leaders of Jong Java Padvinders / Pandu Nationality (JJP / PK), INPO and PPS (JJP-Jong Java Padvinderij); PK-Pandu Nationality). File: KBI.jpg PAPI later developed into the Central Indonesian Scout Brotherhood (BPPKI) in April 1938. Between the years 1928-1935 Indonesian bermuncullah good scouting movement that breathes main nationality or religion breathing. scouting that breathing can be noted Pandu nationality Indonesia (PI), Padvinders Organisatie Pasundan (POP), Pandu Sultanate (PK), Ray Pandu We (SPK) and Scout Rakyat Indonesia (KRI). While the breathing religion Ansor Pandu, Al Wathoni, Hizbul Wathon, Scout Islam Indonesia (Kii), Islamitische Padvinders Organisatie (IPO), Tri Darma (Christian), Catholic principle Scout Indonesia (LEG), Scout AD Indonesia (KMI). In an effort to build unity and unity, the BPS Indonesia BPPKI Scout Brotherhood plan "All Indonesian Jamboree." This plan had some good changes in execution time and name of activity, which then agreed to be replaced with "Camp Scout Indonesia Oemoem" abbreviated PERKINO and executed on December 19 to 23 July 1941 in Yogyakarta. [Edit] The Army Dai Nippon "Dai Nippon"! That name used to refer to Japan at that time. During World War II, Japanese troops entered the attack and the Dutch left Indonesia. Party organizations and the people of Indonesia, including the scouting movement, banned from standing. But efforts to organize PERKINO II remain to be done. Not only that, the spirit of scouting still burning in the chest the anggotanya.Karena Scout is a high-value organizations that menjungjung persatuan.Oleh that's why Japanese people do not allow scouts still born in the earth's motherland. [Edit] The Republic of Indonesia A month after the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Indonesia, some scouting leaders gathered in Yogyakarta and agreed to form a unitary Scout Committee for Indonesia as a working committee, showing the formation of a scouting organization container for the entire Indonesian nation and immediately held a Unity Congress Scout Indonesia. Congress intended, held on 27-29 December 1945 in Surakarta with the formation of Pandu Rakyat Indonesia. Society is supported by the entire leadership and character and strengthened with "Promise Institute of Way", and the government of Indonesia recognizes as the only scouting organization that is determined by the decision of the Minister of Education and Culture No.93/Bag. A, dated February 1, 1947. Difficult years faced by Pandu Rakyat Indonesia since the Dutch invasion. Even in commemoration of independence held August 17, 1948 when a bonfire in the yard of the East Pegangsaan 56, Jakarta, Netherlands weapons to threaten and force Soeprapto face God, fall as Pandu, as a patriot who proved his love of country, homeland and nation. In areas occupied by the Dutch, the People are prohibited from standing Pandu,. This situation encourages the establishment of other associations such as the Scout Putera Indonesia (KPI), Pandu Puteri Indonesia (PPI), Scout Indonesia Muda (KIM). The period of armed struggle to defend our beloved country is the devotion also for members of the scouting movement in Indonesia, then ended the period of armed struggle to enforce and keep the independence that, at this time that Pandu Rakyat Indonesia, held a second congress in Yogyakarta on 20-22 January 1950. Congress, among others, decided to accept the new conception, which gives the opportunity for special classes for former menghidupakan back their respective organizations and opened an opportunity that Pandu Rakyat Indonesia is no longer the only scouting organization in Indonesia with the decision of the Minister of PP and K number 2344 / Kab. dated 6 September 1951 dicabutlah government's recognition that the Scout Rakyat Indonesia is the only container scouting in Indonesia, so the decision 93/Bag number. A dated February 1, 1947 was over already. Maybe a bit strange too, if direnungi, for ten days after the decision of the Minister No. 2334/Kab. it out, then the representatives of organizations engaged in acts of scouting Why did konfersensi in Jakarta. At this moment, exactly on 16 September 1951 decided upon the establishment of Scout Association of Indonesia (IPINDO) as a federation. In 1953 Ipindo succeeded in becoming a member of the worldwide scouting Ipindo scouting organization is a federation for the son, while for daughters, there are two federal organizations that PKPI (Scout Association of Puteri Indonesia) and POPPINDO (Unity Organization of Pandu Puteri Indonesia). Both these federations together ever welcoming haven Lady Baden-Powell to Indonesia, the trip to Australia. In the Proclamation of Independence Day is the 10th National Jamboree held Ipindo, held at Ragunan, Sunday Market on December 10 to 20 August 1955, Jakarta. Ipindo as container activities as scouting feel the need to hold seminars for Facebook to picture the effort to ensure the purity and preservation of life scouting. This seminar was held at the Tugu, Bogor in January 1957. Seminar This monument was to produce a formula that is expected to be a reference for every scouting movement in Indonesia. It is expected to pramukaan that there can be united. A year later in the month of Novem-ber 1958, the Government of Indonesia, in this case the Ministry of PP and K held a seminar in Ciloto, Bogor, West Java, the topic of "Penasionalan Scout." If Jamboree for son held in Ragunan-Pasar Minggu Jakarta, the camp held a large PKPI daughter called Semanggi Village located at Ciputat. Semanggi Village was implemented in 1959. In this year also Ipindo send kontingennya to the World Jamboree in MT. Makiling Philippines. Now, years later is a time-period before the birth of the Scout Movement
id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Gerakan_Pramuka_Indonesia
id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Gerakan_Pramuka_Indonesia
Kamis, 20 Januari 2011
sejarah pulau jawa
THE EMERGENCE OF THE MODERN INDONESIAN ELITE
by Robert Van Niel Associate Professor of History Russell Sage College
QUADRANGLE BOOKS, INC. – CHICAGO W. VAN HOEVE LTD – THE HAGUE AND BANDUNG 1960
In 1900 Java was a principal part of the Dutch colonial empire. Ultimate control over Java and other parts of the empire had resided, since the middle of the nineteenth century, in the hands of the Netherlands’ parliament, or States General, as it is called. Practical control over colonial affairs was in the hands of the Minister of Colonies who was one member of a cabinet responsible for its actions to the States General. The Minister of Colonies carried out the general colonial policy of the government. This general colonial policy was formulated, since mid-century, by public opinion as expressed through the States General. This general policy was relatively constant and was not basically altered by changes of cabinet or parliament. The Minister of Colonies was responsible for implementing the general colonial policy in a fashion compatible with the colonial aims of his party and any other parties included in the cabinet. To assist him in this task he had a Colonial office or a Ministry of Colonies in The Hague in which many persons with colonial experience were employed. These persons were often able to influence the decisions of the Minister of Colonies.
Political parties in the Netherlands were anything but indifferent to colonial affairs. Each political party had its colonial experts, usually men with experience in the colonies, who formulated the party’s colonial program and defended it in the parliament and in the press. The colonial program of many parties about 1900 bore little relationship to their position within the political spectrum of domestic politics. Virtually all parties were agreed on a humanizing reorientation of colonial policy at this
__
time, but there were differences on means and methods of applying this new orientation.
The most far reaching in their desire for alterations in the colonial policy were the socialists and the conservatives — both of whom had come to regard the prevailing liberal ideology with distrust.
In 1900 no political party advocated a termination of the colonial tie between Java and the Netherlands.
By 1900 the Dutch had been on Java for about 300 years. During this time they had tried only a few long term policies in regulating their relationship to the bulk of the island’s inhabitants. Basic to each approach toward the colonial relationship was a desire to keep regulation as indirect as possible and an implicit understanding that the relationship must be as profitable as possible for the Netherlands. The Dutch East India Company ( 1602-1798) had assumed sovereignty over most of Java in order to protect its commercial and mercantile position. The company’s chief interest lay in obtaining and exporting and selling certain basic commodities grown on Java. Political and administrative control was ancillary to this major interest, and consequently assumed an indirect form which almost bordered on indifference.
During the Napoleonic Wars the Dutch lost control of Java to the English for a few years, and when they regained control of the island in 1816 they discovered that a new system of monetary land tax and more direct administrative control had been instituted. The Dutch attempted to continue the former and to modify the latter, but this makeshift system proved incapable of producing revenue to meet the unusual expenses of war on Java and war with Belgium.
In order to raise more revenue the Forced Cultivation System (Cultuur Stelsel) was introduced in 1830. This system reverted to taxation in selected produce. This produce was to be grown and partly processed by Indonesians under the supervision of their own administrators and under the watchful eye of European civil servants. The produce from this controlled system was to be delivered to the government in lieu of monetary taxes. During the first decade of operation this system raised great amounts of revenue for the motherland, but during the
__
early 1840′s certain unfortunate occurrences within Indonesian society connected with the impact of the system came to light. When the King of the Netherlands lost his personal control of colonial affairs to the States General in 1848, a gradual review of who was making money and how it was being made on Java began to take place.
The Forced Cultivation System collapsed during the 1860′s under the weight of internal corruption, under the pressures placed upon it by private business and commercial interests who had grown politically powerful in the Netherlands, and under the ambitions of European entrepreneurs on Java who wished to terminate governmental land control so they might make individual fortunes. The economic rationale was supplied by the dwindling revenues from the system, and the moralistic rationale appeared in the form of illiberal treatment of the Indonesian people whose energies had made the system work. The parliamentary speeches of Baron van Hoëvell and the writings of E. Douwes Dekker (Multatuli) which were directed against various aspects of the system found great response among the people of the Netherlands.During the 1860′s the government allowed private enterprise to enter the island of Java. In order to avoid economic chaos or collapse, the Forced Cultivation System was dismembered slowly: by 1870 the major products and plantations had been placed in the hands of private entrepreneurs, but the last vestiges of the system were not swept away until 1917.
After about 1870 the policy of the Dutch government toward Java comes to be known as the Liberal Policy.
Under this policy the island (and eventually the entire archipelago) was opened to the penetration of private capital.
The wealth of Java was now no longer to flow into the coffers of the government, but instead was to benefit the Dutch middle class who had now also come to control the political process in the Netherlands. From 1870 to 1900 private entrepreneurs made and lost fortunes in Java.
Those who were successful became financially powerful — those who failed often became managers for the successful. The economic fortunes in Java were such that by 1900 most enterprises on the
island were owned or managed by a nucleus of corporations and banks in Europe. These financial interests exerted great, though not exclusive influence, upon Dutch colonial policy and practice.
The Liberal Policy of the Dutch government toward Java also had a strong humanitarian impulse. After 1870 measures were taken to protect the Indonesian peasant against the full impact of a free functioning money economy. Indonesian landholding was protected against foreign acquisition; a leasehold arrangement was the most that was permitted to non-Indonesian interests. The European civil administration in Java now showed an increasing concern for the welfare of the people of the island. Yet, despite these safeguards, the prosperity of the Indonesian people seemed to be declining, and it was feared that Javanese social solidarity would be affected. Both humanitarian and financial interests were concerned by the decreasing welfare of the Javanese: the former, because of the inability to rectify social and economic injustices; the latter, because of the growing need for markets for produced consumer goods. As early as 1874 the conservative ( Anti-Revolutionary Party) statesman,
A. Kuyper, was speaking in the States General of a humanized capitalism which would fulfill a moral obligation to the peoples of the East Indies.8 This urge toward a new orientation of the existing policy grew not only in the motherland, but in the European sector of East Indian society as well.
After 1870 the composition of the European community in Java began to change. This change was largely the result of the rapidly increasing numbers of private citizens introduced into an area that had previously been the exclusive preserve of government civil servants and administrators.8 The new group of Europeans, working either for themselves or for corporations, began to create for themselves in Java another type of life than had existed under a society made up of government employees. Urban centers became not only commercial centers, but came to be centers of European society as well. Better educated and middle class Europeans brought their Western way of life with them, creating a microcosm of the West in the urban centers
of Java. About 1900 European women began to arrive in Java, and from that date forward European society grew more exclusive with regard to other ethnic groups in Java. European society on Java now came to have a new internal solidarity of its own, and also came to have ideas about regulating its own internal affairs on Java and about the colonial policy of the motherland.
The European community on Java was not only concerned about the diminishing welfare of the Indonesian people, but was also greatly irked by the completely centralized control of the government over Europeans in Java.
The newly emerging European society wanted to regulate its own internal affairs and demanded from the government a greater degree of financial autonomy and local self government. This demand was principally viewed in terms of the European community on Java, but it was only a short step to envisioning similar rights for Indonesians who through heightened prosperity and increased education would eventually be placed on the road to self government. In 1888, P. Brooshooft, editor of the Semarang newspaper De Locomotief, openly voiced the desire for greater local autonomy and improved conditions for the indigenous peoples of the East Indies in an open letter to a number of influential Netherlanders. This started a series of articles against the economic liberalism of the prevailing colonial policy which was culminated in 1899 by C. T. van Deventer’s famous article on the “‘Honor Debt.’”11 This article called upon the Netherlands to make a financial settlement upon the needy colony as partial recompense for the fortunes that had been withdrawn from Java under the Forced Cultivation System. As of 1900 Van Deventer estimated the sum involved slightly under two hundred million guilders. Attacks on the government were also occurring within the States General where the colonial authority for the Social Democratic Party, H. H. van Kol, took the lead in harassing the government on matters of colonial policy and practice.
From this widespread dissatisfaction with the prevailing policy a new orientation emerged after 1900. This new orientation in the colonial relationship was called the Ethical Policy. It found
wide acceptance among all groups, for while continuing to advocate development of the colony by private capital, it also sought to increase prosperity and welfare and to extend autonomy. Such a policy contained something for persons of virtually every political inclination. In addition, the Ethical Policy would also provide the Netherlands with an irreproachable colonial policy toward the East Indies. This was sorely needed, for some foreign powers, viewing the desultory conflict in Atjeh ( North Sumatra) which had been going on without decision since 1874, were wondering about the application to other areas of the rule of ‘effective occupation’ which the Berlin Convention of 1885 had established with regard to African claims. 13 The Ethical Policy would provide the Netherlands with a proper moralistic foundation from which to ward off any foreign claims. The greatest advantage of the Ethical Policy, however, was its ability to inspire Hollanders toward a more glorious colonial future in Java while also opening the way for Indonesians to share in the glory of their own future.
The government which controlled affairs on Java in 1900 and against which the European community on Java was raising its claims for autonomy, was the Netherlands Indian government. It was indeed a centralized government with ultimate control residing in a governor general who stood at the head of an administrative hierarchy which branched down into the local districts. This government had been designed to deal with and control Indonesian society; by default it had for the past couple of decades been obliged to control the newly emerging European society of the urban centers on Java. The administrative corps of the Netherlands Indian government probably had no serious objection to granting autonomy to local communities who were in democratic fashion able to provide for their own needs. Soon after 1900 the legal basis to make this possible was provided (see below, p. 42 ). The administrative corps for its part was principally concerned with Indonesians, even though its members were part of the European social group and, as such, subject to pressures and influences from that group.
The governor general who stood at the head of the Netherlands
Indian government was appointed by the Crown upon recommendation of the Minister of Colonies. A governor general normally served a five year term though this was not legally prescribed and might be shortened or extended as the situation seemed to warrant. The governor general was responsible to the Crown for the implementation of colonial policy on the spot: he was the supreme authority in the colony.
In practice, of course, he was expected to follow the instructions of the Minister of Colonies from The Hague, but his advice as the man on the scene helped in turn to shape these instructions. In actuality his position was an extremely powerful one, for the distance from the motherland allowed him great freedom of initiative. His power, just as that of all administrators, was dependent upon the assistance and cooperation of others — he could not personally supervise all activities. That a governor general was sometimes sheltered from the stark realities of events by subordinates or was subtly influenced and pressured by close associates is probably true. In general, however, most of them managed to have a fairly accurate picture of the state of affairs within the colony. This does not mean they always accomplished everything they wished.
Next to the governor general was a high ranking advisory body known as the Council of the Indies. The governor general was president of this council ex officio, but his relationship to its members was that of primus inter pares. The Council of the Indies was composed for the most part of high ranking civil administrators with lengthy colonial experience. The degree of reliance the governor general placed upon the Council varied with individual cases.
In general by 1900 it can be said that the Council of the Indies was losing power and importance while the governor general’s General Secretariat gained correspondingly. The burgeoning governmental tasks after 1870 found the monolithic Netherlands Indian government ill prepared to deal with them. The first, and for many years only, functioning bureau of the government was the General Secretariat. All correspondence, reports, requests for interviews, orders, legislation and official suggestions directed
to or from the governor general passed through this body. By 1900 it had interjected itself between the governor general and all his relationships in and out of the government. It was generally regarded at this time as the most powerful organ of the government. 14 Gradually as departments of government were created it acted as coordinating agent for the work of these departments. Not until after the First World War when the creation of the Volksraad (People’s Council) made frequent oral contact between the governor general and the chiefs of departments imperative, did the power of the General Secretariat decrease.
Conducting the actual operation of the functions of state in 1900 were various departments of the government. Each department had its chief, its staff employees, advisers, and clerks. The great majority of the persons were Europeans (many were Indo-Europeans); few were Indonesians. In 1900 the departments of the Netherlands Indian government were: Finance, Internal Administration (which controlled the administrative corps and police), Public Works, Education, Religion and Industry, Justice, Military Affairs, and Naval Affairs.
Administering the island of Java and forming the sinews of the colonial government was the European administrative corps. Since earliest times the Dutch control of the Indonesian population had been based on a concept of indirect rule. The Dutch were merely to act as advisers, as big brothers if you wish, to the Indonesian administrators who functioned within the pattern of the traditional hierarchy. In practice this theory was more ignored than applied. In order to fulfill the growing demands of the government upon Indonesians during the 19th century the European civil administrators had to assume ever more power and deal ever more directly with the masses of the people. By 1900 the European administrative corps was wielding almost absolute power throughout Java, over both Europeans and Indonesians.
The enlargement of power of the European administration was accompanied by a change in the nature of the corps. The Netherlands Indian administration no longer came to be a refuge
for European social outcasts and adventurers, but instead came to be staffed by well-educated sons of substantial middle class European families. These men were eager to advance and assist the welfare of the Indonesian people, and just because of this were often unable to tolerate the indifference and lack of enlightenment on the part of their Indonesian counterparts. The government adviser, C. Snouck Hurgronje (of whom more later) envisioned a solution to this dilemma by proving Indonesians with good Western education so they might extract from Western culture the virtues which would enable them to assume the responsibilities and duties of European administrators. Gradually the Europeans would be entirely withdrawn and an enlightened Indonesian administration would run the country. This notion ran head on into the newly emerging sense of exclusiveness in European society on Java, and also failed to fit in with the increasing amount of governmental concern with the details of Indonesian life after 1900. The growing concern of the European administrators in protecting and shielding the Indonesian common people led to innumerable clashes with the European financial and entrepreneurial interests on Java. These interests began to use their political power to curb the operations and limit the authority of the European administrators. The twentieth century was to witness a gradual diminution of the power of both the European and Indonesian civil administrative corps.
In 1900 there were about 70,000 Europeans on Java. Probably only about one quarter of these were full blood Europeans who had been born in Europe and made their way out to Java.
Yet this one quarter contained most of the businessmen and entrepreneurs, most of the representatives of financial interests, and most of the European civil administrators. These were for the most part the people who were voicing grievances and complaints against the government and its practices. With the exception of a few Japanese who had been granted equal status with Europeans in 1899, the remainder, or about 75%, of the European community on Java was made up of Indo-Europeans or Eurasians. The fifty-odd thousand Eurasians regarded as part of the
European community were certainly not all persons with part European blood on Java. Many Eurasians had been absorbed into the Indonesian population and no longer regarded themselves as European.
The general social and economic position of the Eurasian part of the European community was far from good in 1900. True, some whose fathers had taken an interest in them and provided them with some education had obtained clerical and technical posts with government bureaus and departments or had become artisans and craftsmen in the urban centers. Those so fortunate might be said to make up the middle levels of the European community. But many others, probably the majority in 1900, had been ignored by their European fathers, had been unable to adjust to their inter-cultural position, and had found the government unwilling to do anything for them as a group. These Eurasians had drifted onto the peripheries of Indonesian life where their constant identification with European status, despite their degraded position, prohibited an adjustment. These people became the flotsam of East Indian society. About 1900 the plight of this group was more openly recognized by humanitarian Europeans. Organizations such as the Masons and the Order of Eastern Star and Christian mission groups began to take an interest in the poorer Eurasians. Vocational and technical training schools were started to permit these persons to develop a skill which would enable them to fit into the European community. During the 20th century the Eurasians’ situation gradually improved.
In summary, the European community on Java was far from homogeneous, yet there was an apparent striving toward a common cultural base. The common ground toward which increasing numbers of Europeans on Java moved was the common denominator of middle-class European social tastes. Such a common ground, while neither especially good nor markedly evil, did provide a certain solidarity and sense of standards for Europeans removed from their home environment but always envisioning an eventual return to the land of their forefathers. But
this social solidarity had the disadvantage of enforcing a marked gulf with the Indonesian community. Even the European civil administrator and plantation manager, through improved communications, could have frequent contact with the urbanized European social milieu. No longer did the European live among the Indonesians on the Indonesian standard as had frequently been the case carlier. 24 This social solidarity sometimes also had the effect of reducing mass sentiments of the Europeans toward the Indonesians to the lowest common denominator. Often little interested in Indonesian life, and finding contact with that life only through household help or hired employees, many of the Europeans developed a certain fear through ignorance of the Indonesian and his ways. Paradoxically enough, those who knew least were often the ones to shout the loudest that they knew the Indonesian, and that his ways were treacherous and deceitful. Naturally not all Europeans believed this — many knew better. But the insecurity within the European community was great enough that sentiments against the native peoples were easily encouraged — rumors, gossip, and petty incidents aggravated all this — until it was impossible for wiser counsels to prevail. A large part of the European community on Java did not hold the Indonesian and his way of life in high regard
dagadujogja.multiply.com/journal/item/4/mitos_pulau_jawa
by Robert Van Niel Associate Professor of History Russell Sage College
QUADRANGLE BOOKS, INC. – CHICAGO W. VAN HOEVE LTD – THE HAGUE AND BANDUNG 1960
In 1900 Java was a principal part of the Dutch colonial empire. Ultimate control over Java and other parts of the empire had resided, since the middle of the nineteenth century, in the hands of the Netherlands’ parliament, or States General, as it is called. Practical control over colonial affairs was in the hands of the Minister of Colonies who was one member of a cabinet responsible for its actions to the States General. The Minister of Colonies carried out the general colonial policy of the government. This general colonial policy was formulated, since mid-century, by public opinion as expressed through the States General. This general policy was relatively constant and was not basically altered by changes of cabinet or parliament. The Minister of Colonies was responsible for implementing the general colonial policy in a fashion compatible with the colonial aims of his party and any other parties included in the cabinet. To assist him in this task he had a Colonial office or a Ministry of Colonies in The Hague in which many persons with colonial experience were employed. These persons were often able to influence the decisions of the Minister of Colonies.
Political parties in the Netherlands were anything but indifferent to colonial affairs. Each political party had its colonial experts, usually men with experience in the colonies, who formulated the party’s colonial program and defended it in the parliament and in the press. The colonial program of many parties about 1900 bore little relationship to their position within the political spectrum of domestic politics. Virtually all parties were agreed on a humanizing reorientation of colonial policy at this
__
time, but there were differences on means and methods of applying this new orientation.
The most far reaching in their desire for alterations in the colonial policy were the socialists and the conservatives — both of whom had come to regard the prevailing liberal ideology with distrust.
In 1900 no political party advocated a termination of the colonial tie between Java and the Netherlands.
By 1900 the Dutch had been on Java for about 300 years. During this time they had tried only a few long term policies in regulating their relationship to the bulk of the island’s inhabitants. Basic to each approach toward the colonial relationship was a desire to keep regulation as indirect as possible and an implicit understanding that the relationship must be as profitable as possible for the Netherlands. The Dutch East India Company ( 1602-1798) had assumed sovereignty over most of Java in order to protect its commercial and mercantile position. The company’s chief interest lay in obtaining and exporting and selling certain basic commodities grown on Java. Political and administrative control was ancillary to this major interest, and consequently assumed an indirect form which almost bordered on indifference.
During the Napoleonic Wars the Dutch lost control of Java to the English for a few years, and when they regained control of the island in 1816 they discovered that a new system of monetary land tax and more direct administrative control had been instituted. The Dutch attempted to continue the former and to modify the latter, but this makeshift system proved incapable of producing revenue to meet the unusual expenses of war on Java and war with Belgium.
In order to raise more revenue the Forced Cultivation System (Cultuur Stelsel) was introduced in 1830. This system reverted to taxation in selected produce. This produce was to be grown and partly processed by Indonesians under the supervision of their own administrators and under the watchful eye of European civil servants. The produce from this controlled system was to be delivered to the government in lieu of monetary taxes. During the first decade of operation this system raised great amounts of revenue for the motherland, but during the
__
early 1840′s certain unfortunate occurrences within Indonesian society connected with the impact of the system came to light. When the King of the Netherlands lost his personal control of colonial affairs to the States General in 1848, a gradual review of who was making money and how it was being made on Java began to take place.
The Forced Cultivation System collapsed during the 1860′s under the weight of internal corruption, under the pressures placed upon it by private business and commercial interests who had grown politically powerful in the Netherlands, and under the ambitions of European entrepreneurs on Java who wished to terminate governmental land control so they might make individual fortunes. The economic rationale was supplied by the dwindling revenues from the system, and the moralistic rationale appeared in the form of illiberal treatment of the Indonesian people whose energies had made the system work. The parliamentary speeches of Baron van Hoëvell and the writings of E. Douwes Dekker (Multatuli) which were directed against various aspects of the system found great response among the people of the Netherlands.During the 1860′s the government allowed private enterprise to enter the island of Java. In order to avoid economic chaos or collapse, the Forced Cultivation System was dismembered slowly: by 1870 the major products and plantations had been placed in the hands of private entrepreneurs, but the last vestiges of the system were not swept away until 1917.
After about 1870 the policy of the Dutch government toward Java comes to be known as the Liberal Policy.
Under this policy the island (and eventually the entire archipelago) was opened to the penetration of private capital.
The wealth of Java was now no longer to flow into the coffers of the government, but instead was to benefit the Dutch middle class who had now also come to control the political process in the Netherlands. From 1870 to 1900 private entrepreneurs made and lost fortunes in Java.
Those who were successful became financially powerful — those who failed often became managers for the successful. The economic fortunes in Java were such that by 1900 most enterprises on the
island were owned or managed by a nucleus of corporations and banks in Europe. These financial interests exerted great, though not exclusive influence, upon Dutch colonial policy and practice.
The Liberal Policy of the Dutch government toward Java also had a strong humanitarian impulse. After 1870 measures were taken to protect the Indonesian peasant against the full impact of a free functioning money economy. Indonesian landholding was protected against foreign acquisition; a leasehold arrangement was the most that was permitted to non-Indonesian interests. The European civil administration in Java now showed an increasing concern for the welfare of the people of the island. Yet, despite these safeguards, the prosperity of the Indonesian people seemed to be declining, and it was feared that Javanese social solidarity would be affected. Both humanitarian and financial interests were concerned by the decreasing welfare of the Javanese: the former, because of the inability to rectify social and economic injustices; the latter, because of the growing need for markets for produced consumer goods. As early as 1874 the conservative ( Anti-Revolutionary Party) statesman,
A. Kuyper, was speaking in the States General of a humanized capitalism which would fulfill a moral obligation to the peoples of the East Indies.8 This urge toward a new orientation of the existing policy grew not only in the motherland, but in the European sector of East Indian society as well.
After 1870 the composition of the European community in Java began to change. This change was largely the result of the rapidly increasing numbers of private citizens introduced into an area that had previously been the exclusive preserve of government civil servants and administrators.8 The new group of Europeans, working either for themselves or for corporations, began to create for themselves in Java another type of life than had existed under a society made up of government employees. Urban centers became not only commercial centers, but came to be centers of European society as well. Better educated and middle class Europeans brought their Western way of life with them, creating a microcosm of the West in the urban centers
of Java. About 1900 European women began to arrive in Java, and from that date forward European society grew more exclusive with regard to other ethnic groups in Java. European society on Java now came to have a new internal solidarity of its own, and also came to have ideas about regulating its own internal affairs on Java and about the colonial policy of the motherland.
The European community on Java was not only concerned about the diminishing welfare of the Indonesian people, but was also greatly irked by the completely centralized control of the government over Europeans in Java.
The newly emerging European society wanted to regulate its own internal affairs and demanded from the government a greater degree of financial autonomy and local self government. This demand was principally viewed in terms of the European community on Java, but it was only a short step to envisioning similar rights for Indonesians who through heightened prosperity and increased education would eventually be placed on the road to self government. In 1888, P. Brooshooft, editor of the Semarang newspaper De Locomotief, openly voiced the desire for greater local autonomy and improved conditions for the indigenous peoples of the East Indies in an open letter to a number of influential Netherlanders. This started a series of articles against the economic liberalism of the prevailing colonial policy which was culminated in 1899 by C. T. van Deventer’s famous article on the “‘Honor Debt.’”11 This article called upon the Netherlands to make a financial settlement upon the needy colony as partial recompense for the fortunes that had been withdrawn from Java under the Forced Cultivation System. As of 1900 Van Deventer estimated the sum involved slightly under two hundred million guilders. Attacks on the government were also occurring within the States General where the colonial authority for the Social Democratic Party, H. H. van Kol, took the lead in harassing the government on matters of colonial policy and practice.
From this widespread dissatisfaction with the prevailing policy a new orientation emerged after 1900. This new orientation in the colonial relationship was called the Ethical Policy. It found
wide acceptance among all groups, for while continuing to advocate development of the colony by private capital, it also sought to increase prosperity and welfare and to extend autonomy. Such a policy contained something for persons of virtually every political inclination. In addition, the Ethical Policy would also provide the Netherlands with an irreproachable colonial policy toward the East Indies. This was sorely needed, for some foreign powers, viewing the desultory conflict in Atjeh ( North Sumatra) which had been going on without decision since 1874, were wondering about the application to other areas of the rule of ‘effective occupation’ which the Berlin Convention of 1885 had established with regard to African claims. 13 The Ethical Policy would provide the Netherlands with a proper moralistic foundation from which to ward off any foreign claims. The greatest advantage of the Ethical Policy, however, was its ability to inspire Hollanders toward a more glorious colonial future in Java while also opening the way for Indonesians to share in the glory of their own future.
The government which controlled affairs on Java in 1900 and against which the European community on Java was raising its claims for autonomy, was the Netherlands Indian government. It was indeed a centralized government with ultimate control residing in a governor general who stood at the head of an administrative hierarchy which branched down into the local districts. This government had been designed to deal with and control Indonesian society; by default it had for the past couple of decades been obliged to control the newly emerging European society of the urban centers on Java. The administrative corps of the Netherlands Indian government probably had no serious objection to granting autonomy to local communities who were in democratic fashion able to provide for their own needs. Soon after 1900 the legal basis to make this possible was provided (see below, p. 42 ). The administrative corps for its part was principally concerned with Indonesians, even though its members were part of the European social group and, as such, subject to pressures and influences from that group.
The governor general who stood at the head of the Netherlands
Indian government was appointed by the Crown upon recommendation of the Minister of Colonies. A governor general normally served a five year term though this was not legally prescribed and might be shortened or extended as the situation seemed to warrant. The governor general was responsible to the Crown for the implementation of colonial policy on the spot: he was the supreme authority in the colony.
In practice, of course, he was expected to follow the instructions of the Minister of Colonies from The Hague, but his advice as the man on the scene helped in turn to shape these instructions. In actuality his position was an extremely powerful one, for the distance from the motherland allowed him great freedom of initiative. His power, just as that of all administrators, was dependent upon the assistance and cooperation of others — he could not personally supervise all activities. That a governor general was sometimes sheltered from the stark realities of events by subordinates or was subtly influenced and pressured by close associates is probably true. In general, however, most of them managed to have a fairly accurate picture of the state of affairs within the colony. This does not mean they always accomplished everything they wished.
Next to the governor general was a high ranking advisory body known as the Council of the Indies. The governor general was president of this council ex officio, but his relationship to its members was that of primus inter pares. The Council of the Indies was composed for the most part of high ranking civil administrators with lengthy colonial experience. The degree of reliance the governor general placed upon the Council varied with individual cases.
In general by 1900 it can be said that the Council of the Indies was losing power and importance while the governor general’s General Secretariat gained correspondingly. The burgeoning governmental tasks after 1870 found the monolithic Netherlands Indian government ill prepared to deal with them. The first, and for many years only, functioning bureau of the government was the General Secretariat. All correspondence, reports, requests for interviews, orders, legislation and official suggestions directed
to or from the governor general passed through this body. By 1900 it had interjected itself between the governor general and all his relationships in and out of the government. It was generally regarded at this time as the most powerful organ of the government. 14 Gradually as departments of government were created it acted as coordinating agent for the work of these departments. Not until after the First World War when the creation of the Volksraad (People’s Council) made frequent oral contact between the governor general and the chiefs of departments imperative, did the power of the General Secretariat decrease.
Conducting the actual operation of the functions of state in 1900 were various departments of the government. Each department had its chief, its staff employees, advisers, and clerks. The great majority of the persons were Europeans (many were Indo-Europeans); few were Indonesians. In 1900 the departments of the Netherlands Indian government were: Finance, Internal Administration (which controlled the administrative corps and police), Public Works, Education, Religion and Industry, Justice, Military Affairs, and Naval Affairs.
Administering the island of Java and forming the sinews of the colonial government was the European administrative corps. Since earliest times the Dutch control of the Indonesian population had been based on a concept of indirect rule. The Dutch were merely to act as advisers, as big brothers if you wish, to the Indonesian administrators who functioned within the pattern of the traditional hierarchy. In practice this theory was more ignored than applied. In order to fulfill the growing demands of the government upon Indonesians during the 19th century the European civil administrators had to assume ever more power and deal ever more directly with the masses of the people. By 1900 the European administrative corps was wielding almost absolute power throughout Java, over both Europeans and Indonesians.
The enlargement of power of the European administration was accompanied by a change in the nature of the corps. The Netherlands Indian administration no longer came to be a refuge
for European social outcasts and adventurers, but instead came to be staffed by well-educated sons of substantial middle class European families. These men were eager to advance and assist the welfare of the Indonesian people, and just because of this were often unable to tolerate the indifference and lack of enlightenment on the part of their Indonesian counterparts. The government adviser, C. Snouck Hurgronje (of whom more later) envisioned a solution to this dilemma by proving Indonesians with good Western education so they might extract from Western culture the virtues which would enable them to assume the responsibilities and duties of European administrators. Gradually the Europeans would be entirely withdrawn and an enlightened Indonesian administration would run the country. This notion ran head on into the newly emerging sense of exclusiveness in European society on Java, and also failed to fit in with the increasing amount of governmental concern with the details of Indonesian life after 1900. The growing concern of the European administrators in protecting and shielding the Indonesian common people led to innumerable clashes with the European financial and entrepreneurial interests on Java. These interests began to use their political power to curb the operations and limit the authority of the European administrators. The twentieth century was to witness a gradual diminution of the power of both the European and Indonesian civil administrative corps.
In 1900 there were about 70,000 Europeans on Java. Probably only about one quarter of these were full blood Europeans who had been born in Europe and made their way out to Java.
Yet this one quarter contained most of the businessmen and entrepreneurs, most of the representatives of financial interests, and most of the European civil administrators. These were for the most part the people who were voicing grievances and complaints against the government and its practices. With the exception of a few Japanese who had been granted equal status with Europeans in 1899, the remainder, or about 75%, of the European community on Java was made up of Indo-Europeans or Eurasians. The fifty-odd thousand Eurasians regarded as part of the
European community were certainly not all persons with part European blood on Java. Many Eurasians had been absorbed into the Indonesian population and no longer regarded themselves as European.
The general social and economic position of the Eurasian part of the European community was far from good in 1900. True, some whose fathers had taken an interest in them and provided them with some education had obtained clerical and technical posts with government bureaus and departments or had become artisans and craftsmen in the urban centers. Those so fortunate might be said to make up the middle levels of the European community. But many others, probably the majority in 1900, had been ignored by their European fathers, had been unable to adjust to their inter-cultural position, and had found the government unwilling to do anything for them as a group. These Eurasians had drifted onto the peripheries of Indonesian life where their constant identification with European status, despite their degraded position, prohibited an adjustment. These people became the flotsam of East Indian society. About 1900 the plight of this group was more openly recognized by humanitarian Europeans. Organizations such as the Masons and the Order of Eastern Star and Christian mission groups began to take an interest in the poorer Eurasians. Vocational and technical training schools were started to permit these persons to develop a skill which would enable them to fit into the European community. During the 20th century the Eurasians’ situation gradually improved.
In summary, the European community on Java was far from homogeneous, yet there was an apparent striving toward a common cultural base. The common ground toward which increasing numbers of Europeans on Java moved was the common denominator of middle-class European social tastes. Such a common ground, while neither especially good nor markedly evil, did provide a certain solidarity and sense of standards for Europeans removed from their home environment but always envisioning an eventual return to the land of their forefathers. But
this social solidarity had the disadvantage of enforcing a marked gulf with the Indonesian community. Even the European civil administrator and plantation manager, through improved communications, could have frequent contact with the urbanized European social milieu. No longer did the European live among the Indonesians on the Indonesian standard as had frequently been the case carlier. 24 This social solidarity sometimes also had the effect of reducing mass sentiments of the Europeans toward the Indonesians to the lowest common denominator. Often little interested in Indonesian life, and finding contact with that life only through household help or hired employees, many of the Europeans developed a certain fear through ignorance of the Indonesian and his ways. Paradoxically enough, those who knew least were often the ones to shout the loudest that they knew the Indonesian, and that his ways were treacherous and deceitful. Naturally not all Europeans believed this — many knew better. But the insecurity within the European community was great enough that sentiments against the native peoples were easily encouraged — rumors, gossip, and petty incidents aggravated all this — until it was impossible for wiser counsels to prevail. A large part of the European community on Java did not hold the Indonesian and his way of life in high regard
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